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A SPEECH 



DELIVEKED BY 



GEORGE ¥00D, ESQ., 

BEFORE A COMMITTEE 
< . 

OF THE FRIENDS OF 

DANIEL WEBSTER, 



AT 



CONSTITUTION HALL, 

ON TUESDAY EVENING, 4th MAY, 1852. 



1^-^ ^^. »...»W»M 



^ N E W - Y O R K : 

SNOWDEN, PRINTER, 70 WALL STREET, 

COvEK Cockier and Enquirer Office.) 

18 5 2. 



A SPEECH 

DELIVERED BY GEORGE WOOD, ESQ., 

BEFORE A C03I3nTTEE OF THE FRIENDS OF 

DANIEL WEBSTER, 

AT CONSTITUTION HALL. 

N E W - Y O R K , 
On Tuesday JEvettins, ^th .Hay, 1852. 



Fellow Citizens : — 

You have just been told by our worthy chairman, that the 
object of the addresses this evening, is to arouse your feelings I 
hope he did not allude to myself, for I shall make no such attempt 
Owmg to my indisposition I have made no preparation, except to 
note down a few heads, from which I shall submit to you some re- 
marks, without attempting to make a set speech. 

The cause of our assembling, is,, to consider the propriety of 
nominating Daniel Webster, as a candidate for the Presidency at 
the general Whig Convention, which is soon to assemble. I th'ink 
very erroneous views are entertained by many, as to the position of 
I\lr Webster, before the people of the country, and I think it is 
high time that those errors were removed. It shall be my endeavor 
this evening to present him in the true light. In doing so I shall 
not attempt to disparage any of the other Whig candidates, whom I 
hold in high respect. I have some personal acquaintance with 
most of the candidates on the other side. I shall say nought ao-ainst 
them either. My subject does not require it, and 1 have no di^'sposi- 
tion to do so. '■ 

I look upon the selection of a high officer of the government in a 
very different light from that in which it is generally considered 
it is usually esteemed and treated as a privilege. That is the point 
of view in which it is held in the country from which we sprung 
where all power and authority are presumed to emanate from ti?e 



4 

crown. Hence an election is held forth as a grand gala day — a 
festive amusement — the subject of excitement, enthusiasm and en- 
joyment — such as a set of slaves who had just emerged from bondage 
might indulge in. I consider, on the other hand, the elective fran- 
chise on the part of the people as an exercise of high political 
power, as an important function of the Government. Like ail such 
public functions it is attended with high responsibilities, and should 
be performed under a deep sense of duty. The making of a Legis- 
lator or a President is as important an act of political power as the 
enactment of laws or the administration of executive functions. It 
is part and parcel of our system of government, and no part of it 
ought to be exempted from a sense of duty. It is just as much the 
duty of those concerned in the selection of a President, to look to 
his fitness and qualifications as it is the duty of a legislature to enact 
good and wholesome laws, or of the President, when elected, duly 
to administer them. 

If we all view^ed the subject in this light and acted up to it, how 
differently would our elections be conducted. 

We should not then be guided by mere joersonaZ predilections or 
preferences. What an admirable lesson we may take on this point, 
from the history of Cromwell. He is generally held up as a tyrani- 
cal usurper, who sacrificed his king that he might rise upon the 
ruins of monarchy to supreme power as a military dictator. When 
he took ;he reins of government his first effort was to select the 
ablest and most efficient men for office. He looked around for a 
chief justice of England. He saw one who loom.ed largely above 
the heads of all others as an eminent jurist.^ It was the venerable 
Hale, the defender of Laud, the opposer of Cromwell's power. Crom- 
well urged him to take the office ; Lord Hale was reluctant — because 
he was opposed to him and was conscientious, and could not sustain 
him. But Crouiwell told him he had selected him as the ''fittest man 
in the country," and for that reason alone, and Hale finally concluded 
to take the office, though he was opposed to the Government, for his 
country's good. Will the free people of this free country be out- 
done by a tyrant in performing the important function of selecting 
the high officers of the government ? I should hope not. Where 
two candidates are equal in point of fitness, personal preferences 
may be indulged in. Not so, where there is superior fitness, especi* 
ally when that superioity is clear and decided. 

There are two topics to be specially considered when a candi- 
date is proposed for popular suiTrage — qualification and availability. 
Qualification stands first in order and is of far deeper impoitance. 

It seems like a work of supererogation to dwell u|^on the qualifi- 
cations of Daniel Webster. He is well known to be deeply versed 
in the Constitution of his country, he is skilled in public law. No man 
• is so extensively and minutely acquainted with the public history of 
this country, in all its details. He is thoroughly acquainted with 



the foreign relations of the United States. His reputation for 
talent and acquirement as a statesman, both at home and abroad, is 
far greater thnn that of any other man. His talents have a breadth 
and comprehension, that have seldom been etjualled — never sur- 
passed. His experience has been great in all the departments of 
legislation and of executive government. To all this, he adds a 
deep and extensive knowledge of the laws of this country. 1 think 
I may venture to say that no other candidate would venture to com- 
pete with him in all the elements of statesmanship, and when we 
consider the high respectability and endow^ments of many of those 
candidates it is saying a great deal, though not too much. 

The only man in the country who would attempt to challenge a 
comparison with him, would be Henry Clay. 

Mr. Webster lias been well and severely tried in his patriotism. 
We have a great deal of profession on that subject. I am not 
disposed to place much confidence in mere profession, and I have 
generally found that those who deal the most profusely in it are the 
most ready to sacrifice the general good, when it comes in conflict 
with their personal interest. , But, when a man like Mr. Webster has. 
deliberately shaped his course and pursued it at the imminent 
risk of his personal popularity, and with the prospect of losing all his 
hopes of preferment, in order to promote what he considered for his 
country's good, and essential to its integrity and salvation, he may 
be held to be a well tried patriot. 

I have, I must confess, heard of one objection to Mr. Webster. 
I have heard it rumored that he has been at times more or less em- 
barrassed in bis pecuniary affairs, and that when in that predica- 
ment he has felt the inconveniences of poverty and pecuniary dis- 
tress. About this, I know personally nothing, and have not heard 
much. I have no disposition to pry into the private affairs of others. 
It is a matter with which we have nothing to do in the case of Mr. 
Webster, unless perchance it may have a bearing upon his merits 
as a candidate. The argument against him is this. If a man cannot 
manage well his own private affairs he ought not to be trusted with 
the affairs of others. Admitting the argument to be true, it re- 
mains to shew the truth of the major proposition as applied to him. 
Is it true that Mr. Webster cannot manage his own affairs ? Or 
on the other hand, is it not true merely, that he does not manage 
them because his time has been devoted to the public interests, and 
in a great measure engrossed with them. When Mr. Webster, in 
early life, left the House of Representatives and moved to Boston, 
he determined to devote himself to his profession. But he was not 
suffered to remain there, he was urged and drawn away from it by 
the pressing solicitations of friends and political men, all over the 
country, to engage again in public affairs. He has consequently 
been able only occasionally and as a sort of bye-business to pursue 
his profession. He may, ever since, be said to have lived and 



breathed in the public institutions of the country. To them all his 
energies, all his thoughts, all his reflections have been devoted. How 
then could he compete with others in the management and acquisi- 
tion of private property ? But Mr. Webster does not stand alone 
in this particular, Mr. Pitt was embarrassed ; his country, after his 
death, paid his debts ; was he therefore unfit to manage public 
affairs ? Jefferson and Hamilton were embarrassed ; who doubts 
their competency? Mr. Clav has been embarrassed, and his debts 
have been paid ibr him. Who will stand up and say that he is not 
an accompHsbed and efficient statesman? 

There is a similarity in some respects, in the fate and fortune of 
these two men — Clay and Wgbster — that is very striking. They 
were born without any patrimonial estate. They inherited from 
their parents, poverty and a good honest name. They have devoted 
the best days of their lives to the public interests. The highest and 
noblest aspirations of their lives, have been to blend their names with 
their country's history — to go down to posterity in that history as 
their country's benefactors. They have filled public places which 
have yielded but little emolument — not sufficient to give them a 
comfortable subsistence, considering the position they occupied and 
the expenses to which they were necessarily subjected. Who then 
will attempt to brand them, by charging poverty upon them? 
What a parallel is here presented for our contemplation I Must that 
parallel continue? Or will our Republic wake up and confute the 
charge so often made, that Republics are ungrateful 1 

But if this parallel is to continue, Mr. Webster like Glay, is to 
be thrust aside. If the idea which has gone abroad, is to prevail — 
that distinguished talents and services are not to be rewarded, 
what is the consequence? Such men will seek other pursuits — pur- 
suits which will enable them to accumulate wealth, the want of 
which is made such a reproach. And you may have hereafter 
Stephen Girards and John Jacob Astors — but no more Henry Glays 
or Daniel Websters. 

We are now brought to the consideration of the subject of avail- 
ability. Different opinions are entertained on this subject. Some 
think it ought to be discarded altogether ; others appear to look upon 
it as entitled to the most prominent importance. They scarcely 
look at anything else. Their only inquiry is, — will he 7-un? Thus, 
mankind are always inclined to run into extremes. It would not do 
utterly to disregard it; if so, votes would often be merely thrown 
away. But it must certainly be considered as subordinate to quali- 
fication, and it ought not to prevail at all, unless there is some clear 
and solid ground lor supposing that a candidate would not be accept- 
able to the people. Politicians who sometimes undertake to guide 
in this matter, ought not to set up their own personal preferences, 
much less ought they to be actuated by sordid and selfish motives. 
This question of availability is altogether premature at present. At 



this stage of the business, every one who has a voice in the nnatter 
ought to consult his own views of what would be best for the country 
under all the circumstances, and what candidate would be the most 
hkely to promote the true interests of the country. The proper time 
for touching at all on the more subordinate question of availability, 
WQuld be at the General Convention. Then, by comparing viev/s, 
that question could be judiciously adjusted. But, to do this, it is 
manilest that in primarily selecting the members of the Convention, 
the dift'erent sections should consult and examine for themselves 
upon the subject of qualification. If each section should act, not 
upon its own views, but upon the probable conjectures as to what 
are the views in other quarters, you would get in the Convention, 
not the candid opinions of the different sections, but simply their 
conjectures as to what other sections might think. The result would 
be, an utter absence of truthfulness. 

I have indulged in these remarks, however, simply to place the 
subject in what I consider its true light, and not to shrink from the 
investigation of the matter now. 

I do not hesitate to declare my entire conviction that Mr. Webster 
is at this time decidedly the most available candidate that can be 
selected /rom any party, to go before the people of this country. I 
wish every part of my proposition to be distinctly regarded. By 
the People, 1 mean not the Politicians — the middle-men^ as Mr. 
Burke calls them — but the rank and file, the real bone and sinew of 
the country. 

I am prepared to prove it. 

Mr. Webster, whenever and wherever he goes, commands more 
attention and regard among the people than any other candidate. 
Whether in the country or the city, in this direction or that direc- 
tion, they are always anxious to meet him, to greet him, to hear him. 
There is no man in this country, exoept Mr. Clay, who so com- 
pletely fills the public eye — who commands so much popular atten- 
tion. This has increased within a few years past ; but it is not of 
short growth — it is of long continuance. 

Look at him in the South — at Virginia Springs for instance — 
where the people congregated from the distance of many miles to 
see and hear him. Follow him to Dunkirk, thence to Buffalo, when 
thousands assembled and stood for hours, not only in the open air, 
but in a heavy shower of rain, listening with anxious attention to 
the lessons of wisdom which fell from his lips. 

-.. I, sometime since, went to Metropolitan Hall to hear the warbl- 
ifig of that melodious Scandinavian Nightingale who had lately visited 
our shores. That large building was filled to overflowing ! — all were 
alive to the scene, and wrapped in breathless amazement I All at 
once some one discovered that Mr. Webster was in the gallery. A 
thousand voices made the vast hall ring ! The songstress was 
motionless and still amid the shouts and huzzas for Webster ! After 



•8^ 

some ten or fifteen minutes he arose and bowed to the audience. 
The melody was then again heard. Now, can any man believe, 
that Mr. Webster was unpopular with that audience ? 

Last winter, when he came on here to address the Historical 
Society, he remained over Sunday ; a sermon was to be delivered by 
a popular pulpit orator to the young men of the city, on some public' 
occasion ; Mr. Webster was invited by a friend to accompany him 
to that Church; he went late; the Church was filled with young 
men collected promiscuously from every part of the city ; as he was 
seen walking up the aisle, the whole audience rose to their feet and 
continued stjinding till he took his seat. There were, of course, no 
shouts. That solemn stillness which the influence of religion can 
inspire, reigned. And yet, how deep and impressive was the elo- 
quence of that silence in developing the emotions of the soul ! Would 
those young men, thus regarding him, refuse to support him for the 
highest office in the gift of our Republic? 

I have adverted to those few instances, among the vast number 
that might be cited if we had time, in order to illustrate my argu- 
ment. I hasten to give you the result. The public man whom the 
people of all ages — of all classes — in our cities — in the country — in 
every part and portion of the whole country, wherever he goes, 
run after, admire, desire to hear, to greet, to pay him every 
degree of respect and consideration — that man cannot be un- 
popular. There is one trait in the character of Mr. Webster; in 
his public intercourse and debates, that deserves particular notice, 
and which distinguishes him from most other public speakers. He 
treats his opponents with respect, and states their arguments fairly, 
and thus his opponents are not turned into personal enemies. 

But although we have nothing to fear from the great body of the 
people, we must nevertheless admit that there are serious difficul- 
ties in the way. I shall now endeavor to point out w^ere the real 
difficulty lies. 

Our Constitution places the elective franchise in the hands of the 
people. But it is not so in practice. The body of the people exer- 
cise only one branch of the elective power — usages, in the course of 
time, rise up and become connected with all law, whether munici- 
pal or fundamental. They form what is called the Unwritten Com- 
mon Law. When they become engrafted upon the constitution, 
they form what may be called Constitutional Common Law. If 
they do not acquire the same kind of legitimate force, which the 
constitution possesses — they are often, like manners, quite as potent 
in their operations. We are divided in this country always into 
great parties, which parties have generally been considered the 
bane of Republics — but an idea now prevails extensively in this coun- 
try, that they are essential to liberty. I shall not discuss that 
matter now. But, in the actual workings of our institutians through 
these parties, the candidates for high offices, are selected by active 



9 

political partizans, whom Burke calls the middle-men. They have 
a regular course of machinery to move — and woe be to the candi- 
date, who attempts to escape the application of their engineering. 
By means of this, they prepare the respective candidates, who are 
laid before the people, to be voted for. In this respect, there is a 
resemblance between these movements, in regard to the elective 
franchise, and the proceedings in the ancient Republics, in matters 
of Legislation, where some Senatorial, or other body prepared the 
laws, and thus prepared, they were laid before the people, for their 
enactment by vote. 

It is rn this common law branch of the constitution, among these 
middle-men or political partizans, that the real difficulty lies. I do 
not mean to insinuate, that they are actuated by any sinister motive 
— but they are mistaken in their views. K you talk to these men, 
you will find them all in favour of Mr. Webster, but they shrug 
their shoulders and say " it is impossible — he will not run whh the 
people and therefore we ought not to take him up. It would be a 
glory to this country, to have such a chief magistrate — it would add 
to our respect abroad — but we cannot elect him — it will not do." 

Thus we find that every body is in favor of Mr. Webster, but, 
all this class seems to think that every body is against him. 
Have you not all witnessed this state of things. It is passing 
strange, and I was unable to account for this strange paradox till I 
looked into it a little more closely. On inquiry of these people 
the reason for their opinion, I found invariably they expressed the 
apprehension that Mr. Webster was too great a man to run with 
the people. That the people had no sympathy with great men and 
would not vote for them. 

Now this I do not hesitate to pronounce a most damnable political 
heresy ! — (Loud cheers.) A heresy of the most dangerous conse- 
quence. One which H behoves us, as we value our political exist- 
ence and prJIperity, to put down. If for no other reason, than to 
put it down, we ought to use our utmost exertion to prevent its 
application to this case, and have Mr. Webster nominated. Why 
such a principle would discourage all efforts on the part of great 
minds to acquire distinction. It would destroy all stimulus to great 
exertion. Like the Upas it would blight everything which ap- 
proached it. 

It is as false too, in fact, as it is dangerous and destructive in its con- 
sequences. It is not true that the people do-not sympathise with able 
and efficient men. On the contrary, mankind are so constituted as 
to admire such men, and to be disposed to support and encourage 
them; this is natural. The great masses of the community act out 
their natural feelings, and give them fair play. It is a wise provi- 
sion of nature. When mankind admire ability and efficiency it 
encourages minds, gifted by nature, to become by industry able and 
efficient, and thus useful to the community. 
2 



People never object to a man because he is great. Pride, vanitj'', 
and ostentation constitute objections, and they are objectionable to the 
people whether they appear in great men or in pretenders to great- 
ness. Here is also a wise provision, for such qualities destroy all 
sympathy with the common class of mankind — all disposition to con- 
sult their interests and promote their happiness. 

Is Mr. Webster one of that description ? Let the mechanics of 
Boston — the farmers of New Hampshire — or the farmers and fish- 
ermen of Marshfield answer that question. I have heard it said that 
Mr. Webster was taken up as a candidate in this city by the rich 
bankers and merchants of VVall street. And this has been said with 
a view to blight his prospects with the people. You know better, 
you know very well that where there was one of that description, 
there were a dozen boss mechanics who joined in bringing him 
forward. 

The people can distinguish between pride and ostentation, and 
that kind of retired habit which results from diffidence or deep reflec- 
tion. Some of the most retired men I have ever known have been 
the freest from vanity and pride. Witness the late Dr. Alexander, 
of Princeton, one of the most modest men that ever lived, and yet 
no one ever approached him without the conviction that he was a 
truly great man. Why, we have among our own citizens a distin- 
guished merchant v/hose munificent philanthropy has carried an 
enterprise, so honorable to our whole nation, into the very frozen 
seas ; and yet this gentleman, from a retiring- disposition, modestly 
declines the public testimonials laid at his feet. Do you think, how- 
ever, that if Mr. Henry Grinnell should be proposed as a can- 
didate for an honorable public office, that unpopularity could be 
urged against his availability ? (Great applause.) 

Mr. Webster is a man of deep reflection, and therefore often 
retired — but that profound reflection has served to impart those 
qualifications which ought to be his passport througri preliminary 
political conventions to the people, who, if he once gets fairly be- 
fore them, will soon show you that he is the most popular candidate 
that can be presented for their suffi'ages, by any party or any set of 
men. 

But, from some strange cause or other the notion has, within a - 
few years past, among politicians, become prevalent in this country, . 
that very great men will not run before the people. They may not 
always run. There are exceptions to all general rules. A great 
man by his peculiar course of conduct may have made many warm 
friends and many bitter enemies. He may be violent and arbitrary 
in his views, unconciiiating and bitter in debate wtien opposed. 
Mr. Webster is known to be exempted from that objection. 

It is time this notion should be discarded. It has no solid founda- 
tion to rest upon. No country ever did or ever will rise to great- 
ness or glory without master minds. Look back at Greece or 



11 

Rome. The London Times has lately broached the idea that Mr. 
Webster could not be made President, because he is too great a 
man. It is not surprising that the editor of that distinguished _ pa- 
per should think so, because he is prejudiced against ivepublican 
institutions and knows but little of the working of ours. In him, it 
is a sneer at us, for he knows very well that England has been 
distinguished for hergalaxy of great men — that from Cecil, under the 
lofty and imperial Queen, down to Lord Derby in the reign of the 
pure and virtuous Victoria, a long line of statesmen, able, distin- 
guished, of large views, have guided and regulated English afHiirs, 
and have rai.'^ed England to the height where she.now stands. 

What could have given rise to this strange infatuation in this coun- 
try ? Is there any thing in our exaniple different from the example 
of other great countries ? We started into existence but yesterday, 
speaking in reference to the age of nations. We rose up under the 
auspices of Washington — the man of the largest and most compre- 
hensive mind of his age — and surrounded with men of great and 
distinguished ability. We now stretch from the Atlantic to the shores 
of the'^Pacific. The Commerce of the World is within our grasp — our 
Mines are inexhaustible — our territory, unparalled in extent and fer- 
tility, is to be filled up. What a prospect is here presented for fu- 
ture glory and greatness. Are we to rise to this glory and greatness 
without the lead and guidance of master minds? If we are, then 
the laws of human conduct in our case are to be reversed. And if 
not reversed, Vve must, .-if we attempt it, dwindle into insignificance. 
A European philosopher once remarked, that every thing in this 
country was on a great scale, but its men. It is to be hoped that 
the poUticians in this country, under this strange infatuation will not 
verify this remark. 

Mankind are often misled by the use of terms. A sort of hazy idea 
is often attached to the epithet of a great man. It is sometimes said 
there is no magic in words. It is true there is no magic in them to 
elicit truth — but they are often magical in leading us into error. 
There are various kinds of greatness often referred to, and in such 
a way as to cause confusion, ^he man of wealth, accumulated by 
great industry, judgment, and attention to business, is sometimes 
and very properly called a great man, though it may not be of the 
very highest order. No one accuses Mr. VVebster of being a great 
man in that sense. 

In some countries they have a body of great men, whose main 
distinction, consists in their descent through a. long line of distin- 
guished ancestors — ennobled by titles — emblazoned by stars and 
ribbons, and garters. ]Mr. Webster has no such distinction. He is 
the Hapsburgh of his own family. His root is in the earth — amidst 
the rocks of his ov/n New Hampshire. He sprang from the people. 
Though his. intellect is elevated far above them by culture, yet true 
to his origin, his heart is in the midst of them. 



12 

There is another kind of greatness to be considered. It may be 
called legitimate greatness — such as the head of man approves, and 
his heart recognises. It is in short ability and eficiency for great 
employments. To the reproach of this kind of greatness, if in the 
eyes of his countrymen it be a reproach, Mr. Webster must 
bow in silence. By natural intellect combined with vast acquire- 
ments, long experience and profound reflection, he is the greatest 
statesman of his country. Will any politician go before the people 
and make this objection to him? Yet this is the objection, if there 
be any at all. Substitute for the name o( great man, the terms, an. 
able and efficient man for great employment, and the objection 
vanishes. Every man becomes ashamed of it. 

It is a plain maxim of political economy — it is a dictate of com- 
mon sense, that if you want an agent to transact any business great or 
small, select a man who is the ablest and most fit to do it. Is this 
dictate of comnion sense and sound political economy to be discar- 
ded in making a President? Mankind are so constituted, as to ad- 
mire ability and efficiency, for the performance of any honest and 
praiseworthy employment. I would rather see a good shoemaker, 
than a poor politician. 

If by some magic power, I should have the authority conferred 
upon me to select public officers, I would endeavor to be guided by 
this plain maxim I have stated. If I wanted a Commander to lead our 
army to the field, and to raise our standard upon the loftiest battle- 
ments of the enemy, I would select General Scott. If I wanted a 
naval officer to conduct our fleet over*the mountain wave, and un- 
furl our flag to the battle and the breeze, Commodore Stockton, 
should be my man. If I wanted a Chief Executive Officer of the 
Government, to carry the country safely through all political com- 
motions and difficulties at home and abroad, and by his profound 
statesmanship, elevate the glory of his country among the nations 
of the earth, and give them assurance of a man, I would present 
you with Daniel Webster. (Immense cheering.) 

I have now gentlemen, pointed out the difficulty. The remedy 
will at once suggest itself to all of you. It is to remove that diffi- 
culty — let. the notfon be discarded, that the people of this country 
cannot distinguish and appreciate their greatest public man. It this 
is done and he is presented as a candidate before that people, his 
election is sure. Every effort should be made by -every right think- 
ing man to put down this gross and dangerous heresy. 

There are some further topics which, to my mind, are of great im- 
portance, to be considered, but I am afraid I have already trespassed 
too long upon your patience. (Cries of " go on ") 

The considerations I am going to present have, I must confess, 
operated very powerfully on myself, in leading me to the course I 
have taken ; for, as I have told you, I discard all personal consider- 
ations in a matter of this grave and important character to the 
country. 



13 

Whoever has attentively viewed the course of public affairs among 
us, must have perceived that the standard of qualification lor high 
offices has been gradually lowered. It has been seen and felt, and 
deeply deplored. The natural consequence has been, that the bonds 
of Government are relaxed, and are becoming more and more loose. 
Treason is no longer, in public estimation, what treason was some 
thirty or forty years ago. It certainly is not owing to any prejudice 
on the part of the People against the most able and efficient men, for 
the reasons I have already explained. 

But, whatever may be the cause, every good man must be im- 
pressed with the importance of furnishing some adequate and speedy 
remedy. 

There is a tendency under all free Governments to a great variety 
of opinions, especially on public affairs. When men are free to speak 
and think, they will think differently. Many men will have many 
minds. Where there is one man of a large and comprehensive 
grasp of mind, there are a hundred active, sharp, subtle, but narrow 
intellects. The pride of opinion in these men is always the strongest. 
They look only at one side, and hence they see no difficulties. As 
Sir William Temple says, " Their own reason they make the certain ' 
standard of Truth, and their own knowledge, of what is posssible in 
Nature." 

In all free Governments, the c^entral power must be more or less 
weakened, and that of the local municipalities increased. This is 
requisite, in order to spread among the people a practical knowledge 
of public affairs, and to prepare and fit them to watch over their 
liberties. But the natural result of it is, to multiply indefinitely 
among the people, divisions of opinion upon public affairs. Party 
spirit is thus engendered, and it becomes continually more and more 
prevalent. Patriotism, which is supposed to be the great and essen- 
tial element of Republicanism, yields - to the influences of these 
divisions, and men give up to party what belongs to their country. 
Hence the maxim so often met with in political writings, that fac- 
tion and discord are the bane of all Republics. These political 
divisions .lead to general licentiousness, and men of propriety, of 
character, of peaceful and conservative dispositions, become ready 
to take refuge in some strong Government. We see it exemplified 
in the late French Republic. 

But when this popular dissension assumes a sec^zonaZ character, 
the danger is increased and brought nearer. Sections are enlisted 
against sections. It is not only a contest between parties, but be- 
tween parties occupyini: separate and large territories of the country. 
Animosity is hence doubly increased, and responsibility in the same 
ratio diminished. If this Government should lull, it will more prob- 
ably break up into sectional fragments long before party licentious- 
ness prepares the public mind for the introduction of a stronger 
government. 



14 

What is the remedy ? We are unwilling to increase the power 
of the general Government. But we may increase its moral power 
and influence — and that is to be done by raisina: instead of lowering 
the standard of qualification fur high offices. This is not to be done 
by difiusing the idea that the man best qualified is too great for the 
people. Act in public afl^airs as every prudent man does in his pri- 
' vate affairs. Employ those best qualified and fitted for the business 
to be done. This remedy will be found etfectual. We have only 
to look back upon our past political history. Whenever a great 
mind has been at the head of this Government he has been able to 
carry on the Government with most efficiency, notwithstanding 
party dissensions. Such w^as the case with Washington and Jef- 
ferson. 

Does any one believe that this remedy, or that any remedy at all 
is not needed ? We have, I am aware, been accused as a people 
of being a little vain-glorious — of thinking we can do anything and 
everything, and yet, that under the influence of our naanifest destiny, 
all will be safe. Let no one suppose we are exempted from the 
common lot of humanity. Let no one take that flattering unction to 
his soul. 

There is but one further topic and on that I will detain you but a 
very short time. And that is in reference to our'Foreign Relations. 
Society in Europe seems to be in a transition state. New classes 
are springing up in society out of the old, and acquiring influence 
in the state. This causes, from time to time, a general upheaving 
of the moral elements. Has it ceased? Certainly not. It will 
continue as long as mankind continue to advance in wealth and 
knowledge. They will advance thus, while improvements and new 
facilities of intercourse and commerce continue to be opened up. 
Rail roads, canals, magnetic telegraphs are great revolutionists. 

Changes in government becoming necessary by the increase and 
extension of knowledge and wealth, cannot be effected without 
commotion and conflict. There is a speck of war in the European 
horizon. It may not burst forth this year or the next — and it may 
the year after. When it shall come, what will be our condition? 
If we avoid intervention with them, can we prevent their inter- 
vention with us? We could not do it in the long wars which devas- 
tated Europe in the days of the great Napoleon. — Our proximity 
has since changed from forty to ten days. Suppose difflculties 
should arise, we must prepare for the exigency. If they threaten 
to sweep our commerce from the ocean as ihey did before, we may 
ward off the threatened blow by appeals to their justice, by point- 
ing out in clear and strong language the falsity of their views, and 
the gross violation of international law, which their conduct 
would involve. A clear and powerful exposition of the real atti- 
tude in which we may stand, may be of immense value both in 
reference to them and ourselves. 



15 • 

Let me suppose such a case to arise, and that the very panic crea- 
ted, should throw our business in confusion, threaten a general bank- 
ruptcy and paralyze all operations, and that you should be collected 
here as you now are — that in place of the chairman and myself, this 
platform should be occupied by all the present candidates for the 
Presidency, and you had time to hear a speech from some one, and 
one only, o{ Xhem — setting forth our real position, the dangers and 
difficulties we had to apprehend, the best means of avoiding them, 
or the best mode of encountering them, whom would you call out ? 
Whom would you wish to hear ? (Cries of Webster ! Webster ! !) Is 
there a man in the country, who would not want in such an exigency 
to hear him in preference to any other ? Yet, we are told the people 
would not put him in the appropriate place, from which his opinions 
should emanate, because forsooth, he is too great a man. It is time 
that this senseless objection should be abandoned. (Mr. Wood sat 
down amid long and loud cheering ) 



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